By Ben Barrack
CONFIRMED: As the Bush administration was invading Iraq, it was covering up the truth about Saudi involvement in the 9/11 attacks.
As this was going on, a joint House and Senate Committee was completing its work on the 9/11 attacks,  which was released just a few months later, in July of that year.
The last 28 pages were censored by a Bush administration  that had just invaded Iraq. Those 28 pages are said to reveal a high degree of Saudi involvement in 9/11 which warranted that country being in America’s crosshairs more than any other, especially Iraq, which was an arch enemy of Iran.
Incidentally, the 9/11 Commission concluded that Iran  may have collaborated with al-Qaeda in 9/11. This joint committee was a precursor to the 9/11 Commission, which released its report one year later, in July 2004. 
Recently, 60 Minutes aired a report  on the 2003 Committee’s work. A key figure in that investigation was then-U.S. Sen. Bob Graham (R-Fla.). When Graham was asked about Saudi Arabia’s role in the attacks, he made it clear that the support for the hijackers came from wealthy Saudis, Saudi charities and the government itself; this was a powerful admission:
In perhaps the most explosive excerpt from the report — at least in terms of internal Bush administration dynamics — former CIA Director Porter Goss discussed his desire to declassify the 28 pages and former FBI Director Robert Mueller’s refusal to do so. According to Goss, Mueller rebuffed him and gave no valid reason; Mueller was appointed FBI Director by Bush one week before 9/11 and stayed on through much of the Obama administration.
While Goss may not see a reason for the 28 pages being classified, there could be a nefarious rationale.
In March of 2002 — one year prior to the invasion of Iraq and six months after 9/11 — the U.S. Treasury Department launched Operation Green Quest,  a dragnet operation intended to identify and prosecute Islamic groups and individuals in the U.S. that had been taking Saudi money to finance terrorism. The vast majority of those groups were connected to the Muslim Brotherhood.
One such group — the American Muslim Council — was founded by Abdurrahman Alamoudi, the same man who in 2004 would be sentenced to more than 20 years in prison for matters related to terrorism. In June 2002, Mueller referred to the AMC  as “…the most mainstream Muslim group in the country.”
Mueller was clearly toeing the Bush line with that comment. Consider that just a couple of months earlier and two weeks after the OGQ raided the offices of several Islamic charities, Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neil agreed to meet with Muslim leaders.  The most influential Muslim voices in that meeting were Talat Othman and Khaled Saffuri, both of whom effectively de-fanged OGQ by arguing it violated the civil rights of Muslims.
According to a 2004 Harper’s Magazine article,  it was Mueller’s boss — Attorney General John Ashcroft — who had a hand on the stake that went into the heart of OGQ. This excerpt corroborates Goss’s account of Mueller’s reaction to the idea of releasing the 28 pages:
…under an agreement between Attorney General John Ashcroft and Department of Homeland Security head Tom Ridge signed in May 2003, the Customs Service — part of Homeland Security since last March — has relinquished control of its counterterrorism investigations to the FBI, which repeatedly had refused to turn over critical investigative files to Green Quest agents. This deal between Ashcroft and Ridge effectively shut down Green Quest, quashing the one serious –if flawed — probe into domestic terrorist financing.
In an iconic moment days after 9/11, Bush put his arm around retired New York City firefighter Bob Beckwith and told the world that “the people who knocked these buildings down will hear ALL of us soon.” 
Unfortunately, Bush may have been compromised by his relationships with the Saudis and even some stealth Muslim Brotherhood jihadists. In one example, Bush sat on the board of Harken Energy  with Othman from 1987-90.
Othman has been linked to the Muslim Brotherhood  and represented Saudi interests in his capacity at Harken. Bush sold nearly $1 million in stock under questionable circumstances that even led to an SEC investigation. Soon after the sale of that stock, Othman was granted access to Bush’s father,  who was president at the time.
According to a 1991 Wall Street Journal article,  Othman’s access to George H.W. Bush involved discussions about Middle East policy. Also according to the Journal, one of the meetings Othman had with Bush took place just after Iraq invaded Kuwait:
His (Othman’s) name was added by the White House to a select list of 15 Arab-Americans chosen to meet with President Bush, Mr. Sununu and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft in the White House two days after Iraq’s August 1990 invasion of Kuwait.
The success of both Othman and Saffuri may have involved leverage over and influence with the Bush administration.
Saffuri co-founded the Islamic Free Market Institute (II) with Grover Norquist  and was tagged by Karl Rove as the Muslim outreach coordinator for Bush’s first presidential campaign.
Bringing this full circle relative to Mueller, it was Alamoudi who provided $20,000 in seed money to Norquist’s Institute. 
Near the end of his tenure as FBI director in 2013, Mueller was asked if he knew that Alamoudi founded the radical Mosque attended by the Boston Marathon Bombers. Mueller — whose FBI was responsible for recommending Alamoudi be charged in 2003 — claimed he did not know that. 
Simply. Not. Believable.
The next clip from the 60 Minutes report focuses on two of the 9/11 hijackers — Nawar al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar — and their entry into the U.S. in early 2000. Listen to how they were embraced and assisted by a Saudi diplomat named Fahad al-Thumairy, who has since been banned from the U.S.
In this clip, you will hear former Democrat congressman and 9/11 Commission member Tim Roemer explain how San Diego and Los Angeles were home to an Islamic “hornets nest.”
The Saudi connection didn’t end there. In February 2000, after going to the Saudi consulate where al-Thumairy worked, a Saudi agent by the name of Omar al-Bayoumi met both al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar at a restaurant on the very same day. Yet, al-Bayoumi would have everyone believe the encounter was entirely coincidental.
However, in a 2002 article by Michael Isikoff that appeared in Newsweek,  al-Hazmi and al-Mihdhar were said to have been picked up at the airport by al-Bayoumi upon their arrival. This would certainly strengthen the link between al-Bayoumi and the hijackers. The al-Thumairy connection only strengthens it further.
The Saudi connection doesn’t end there either. In fact, the connection between the Saudis and al-Qaeda is strengthened further courtesy of al-Bayoumi’s relationship with none other than Anwar al-Awlaki, the notorious spiritual advisor to future Fort Hood jihadist Nidal Malik Hasan.
In another very explosive revelation, al-Bayoumi had contact with al-Awlaki before the infamous imam moved from San Diego to the Dar al-Hijrah mosque in Falls Church, Va. Listen as the connection is explained in the report. Note that Roemer says there is “a lot of smoke” relative to these connections:
What the 60 Minutes report did NOT discuss was that al-Awlaki was essentially hired by Dar al-Hijrah’s chairman Bassam Estwani, a native Syrian. Estwani rubbed elbows with many powerful politicians throughout the 1990s all the way through at least 2008.
On Feb. 7, 2001, Rep. Thomas Davis (R-Va.) successfully lobbied House Speaker Dennis Hastert  (R-Ill.) to get Estwani to deliver a Muslim prayer  from the floor of the House of Representatives. 
Estwani made several visits to the White House during the Clinton administration and had his picture taken with both Bill and Hillary on more than one occasion.
Further solidifying the collaborative relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and Saudi Arabia relative to Islamic terrorism against the U.S., is a photo taken inside the Dar al-Hijrah mosque, circa 1997. Estwani is seen sitting on the floor listening to the Muslim Brotherhood’s global spiritual leader Yusuf al-Qaradawi. In 1999, al-Qaradawi was banned from the U.S.
Less than a week after the 60 Minutes report, a story appeared on the front page of the New York Times  about legislation that would allow the families of 9/11 victims to take their case against Saudi Arabia to U.S. courts. The Saudis responded with a threat to sell off all of its U.S. assets.
In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the Religious Freedom Coalition’s William Murray penned a journal  of his experiences, which included his time at the U.S. Capitol. Here is part of what he wrote happened there on Sept. 13, 2001, two days after the attacks:
When I confronted one well known senator about the millions of dollars going to Bin Laden’s terror network from Saudi businessmen, he said to me, “Yes, but they are coerced into giving it to him.”
I responded to this by saying, “Maybe those millionaire Saudi businessmen should be more fearful of us than they are of Bin Laden.”
Note the senator did not dispute Murray’s premise, that al-Qaeda was funded by the Saudis. He only disputed the motive.
In the end does that really matter?
President Obama has been aggressively lobbying against the 9/11 bill and has refused to declassify the same 28 pages  his predecessor censored.